Teapot affair an insight into John Key’s character

November 18, 2011

What to make of the teapot affair?

As a person with a long-held interest in politics and the political process, I’ve watched the progress of many New Zealand general elections. I have to say that this one has become the most remarkable one of the lot so far.

With the National party as seemingly certain winners just a week ago, the events around the unauthorised recording of what is now dubbed the “teapot tape” conversation between John Key and John Banks, now familiar to every Kiwi with a radio or TV, have unexpectedly changed the whole contest in the most bizarre way.

It seems likely to change the way the votes play out, though not enough for National to lose, but it will have a longer-term impact on the way Kiwis view political manipulation and the use of hierarchical authority.

The event that led to the teapot tape recording was itself only a relatively minor, lightweight one. Key and Banks could have covered those topics in true privacy, without the invited media nearby and somewhere other than a cafe open to the public, and we’d have never known. They almost certainly do have such inter-party strategic political conversations from time to time.

But it’s the reaction of Key to the news that the conversation was heard that is truly remarkable, even unprecedented. And because of that reaction the incident has developed a life of its own, fuelled entirely by the PM and his advisors.

And furthermore, I’m starting to believe that the PM has decided to use it to encourage the diversion of media and voter attention from the real issues and hence starve the opposition parties of air, for short term gain and without too much thought to the longer term effects for the country and Key himself.

There appear to be four types of reactions by voters:

1. Those who couldn’t care less one way or the other about Key, but are annoyed at the media’s continuing interest in the situation, spoiling their TV viewing.

2. Non-political souls who love Key regardless of anything he says and does, and have made up their mind long, long ago based on his smile and charm.

3. Some very intelligent people who really want the National party to win, and are working on strategies to deflect attention from what was said at the Banks-Key meeting and use the media’s interest to advantage.

4. Other intelligent and concerned people who are outraged by most of the events arising out of Key’s initial reaction to turn against the media, and who see the emergence of some aspects of Key’s character that are rather disturbing – probably as disturbing as many felt about the character and influence of Robert Muldoon back in the 1970s and early 80s.

Here’s my list of outrageous and manipulative actions and statements around this affair:

A. The initial inviting of the media scrum for the staged event (endorsing the ACT party candidate John Banks in the Epsom electorate and thereby to take advantage of and, in the eyes of some, manipulate the rules of the MMP voting system) and expecting to manipulate the publicity of the endorsement via a compliant, eager-puppy media. This displays the arrogance of a person who is fully self-assured that he’s running the whole show on behalf of his adoring supporters.

B. Being so stupid (this one I still struggle to believe) as to risk the outcome of the event by talking about anything other than the weather. To assume there were no lip-readers or people with acute hearing through the glass partition or from nearby tables is cockiness at best, and the stupidity of people who think they are untouchable at worst.

To claim since that it was a private meeting was insulting to any thinking person. If you need a private conversation, go somewhere where it’s private; if you want to be seen to be talking beside cameras as close as a metre away, then at least keep it squeaky clean.

C. The inability of Key to come clean from the start, take it on the chin and get on. Or was this a considered strategy to deflect attention from opposition parties’ policy debates? Or a way of getting popularity be attacking the media who many people wish would shut up? Or simply gaining sympathy for the poor old media victim John Key?

D. Calling in the police to chase up evidence of a possible crime is disturbing, especially so when the police then threaten media outlets to keep quiet. Over such a minor thing and in the hurly burly of an election campaign, does this indicate how Key thinks he should maintain authority and control of the debate and the populace in general?

E. Invoking analogies with the News of the World scandal began a series of desperate responses by Key which have since become ever-more insulting to intelligent people. They show him to be rattled and speaking without thinking.

F. For example, invoking the “slippery slide” argument by using an extreme and outrageous example of a youth committing suicide as a result of a secret taping of his/her parents talking. What kind of idiot does he think I am?

G. Assuming the guilt of the cameraman, and slandering him (innocent until proven guilty?) about a “crime” that hasn’t yet even been established, while at the same time claiming he is taking a “principled” stand against such “crimes”. This, along with calling in the police, smacks of a worried man in a position of power using his office to rein in his subjects.

H. Saying that the police have new-found spare time to do the work of investigating this “crime”. What an insult to the busy police force, and to anyone who’s still waiting for police to investigate a real crime such a break-in of their house. Some claim Key was just joking, but looking at his face on camera as he spoke, I doubt it.

I. Risking the sight of police marching through media offices with search warrants and confiscating papers, even ones that are not directly related to the recording. This sounds like a police “fishing” expedition, will make long-term enemies of the media, and looks even more like abuse of Key’s privileged position.

J. Giving Winston Peters (who I cannot stand but acknowledge his political nous) the chance to dare police to arrest him for saying what he has already, thus gaining a huge boost in votes from his core constituency. And by not allowing the conversation to be made public, Key is inviting Peters and others to suggest all sorts of other mischief about what may have been said, even if it wasn’t.

K. Increasing the risk that the Epsom voters, seeing themselves as being thought stupid for going along with the manipulation, will not do as told and vote for National instead. National voters have pride too!

L. And finally, Key is setting up his probable next term of government with an angry New Zealand Herald, and other top media, as enemies. Until now, most have given the appearance of being supportive of Key on balance, but after search warrants and “don’t publish” threats, those days are past.

My main annoyance is seeing and hearing Key and his team talking as if I’m totally stupid. His efforts to defeat the media are insulting to the thinking electorate (except those who are forced to defend him).

What the saga does show is more about Key’s character. I wrote in an earlier blog article  that I was becoming increasingly concerned at glimpses of another Key, one who gets nasty when he doesn’t like the questions or challenges from journalists. One whose face reveals a nervous, shifty demeanour when caught out. Apparently he was nicknamed the “smiling assassin” or something like that when he was a money market man. Seeing his refusal to engage with the media now shows continuing attempts to manipulate the media by blaming them. All with a smiling mask on his face.

The teapot incident has shown us even more of this other side to his beaming smile. Clearly in his makeup there is some combination of arrogance, disrespect for the voting public, inability to consider losing, and pig-headedness when things start going wrong.

We may not altogether like the political media, especially those currently hounding on this issue, but media digging for basic facts is a vital if sometimes irritating part of a free democracy. If we say they should just shut up and report what politicians want us to hear, we may as well let them be a compliant tool of the political elite. And that is a slippery slope which we must always be aware of and avoid, no matter who may be embarrassed by being found out.

 


Political media’s job should be to report, not decide for us

November 7, 2011

I’ve been somewhat torn on whether or not to write much (or anything at all) about specifics related to New Zealand’s general election, to be held in a few weeks. I did comment on the Capital Gains Tax back in July, and on John Key’s mask a few weeks ago. But here’s my first – and possibly my last – contribution to the thousands of articles and blogs already floating around on the election campaign itself.

I’m finding this campaign one of the more interesting for the past 15 years or so, in that for a change there are significant policy differences between the two major parties, and the Greens are also playing a solid part in the game.

I’m still listening to and reading about many policy details from several parties, and I’ve already changed my mind on which party I’ll be voting for – and may do again before polling day. (I’ve decided to give my electorate vote to Damien O’Connor, but my party vote remains open.)

I’m not going to add anything of substance to the debates on the various major issues, but do have some concerns – indeed, irritation, maybe even anger – over the part that most of the media are playing in the process. Normally one expects various media have their own leanings and emphases, but I feel that this time around the bulk are (perhaps even deliberately) building and working around a debate framework which is less about actual policies and more about how people are reacting to policies.

What I mean is that most of the media pundits are making an effort to push their own opinion about whether this policy will be unpopular, that one doesn’t need scrutiny and this or that politician is or isn’t doing well in selling their message. Telling us, in other words, how we should be reacting.

Of course, it all started many, many months ago when every media outlet continued to play on the inability of Labour’s Phil Goff to gain any ground in the personal popularity stakes against the seemingly invincible incumbent PM, John Key. While it is perfectly valid for media to report on poll results, constant interpretation by reporters and political editors that Goff hasn’t a chance feeds a negative cycle in which people subsequently surveyed use that prediction to decide not to vote for Goff. (Keep reading to the end to see a simple up-to-date example of this.)

(It’s like the business confidence surveys which ask businesses whether things are looking up or down – most go with the current trend for the very good reason that if most others believe things are getting worse then things will most likely get worse, regardless of what any individual business can do.)

This became so bad as the year went on that whenever Goff made any statement of positive policy or criticism, it was cast by reporters in the light of “well who cares, because he won’t get in anyhow” and “he’s in a desperate position so he has to start saying desperate things”.

Now in the election campaign proper, this slant has continued. Personally, I was heartened to hear that Labour proposed to gradually raise the retirement age, following its decision to advocate a capital gains tax, which I also firmly agree with. (See an earlier blog.)

Over the years political commentators have consistently criticised Labour and National for being either (or both) meek/safe in their campaign policy announcements or putting up only popular promises like subsidies and price cuts. Finally a party gets the nerve to propose some (desperately needed, these days) things which may not be popular in the short term but which are fairer and better in the long run, and the main political commentary is that Labour must be desperate, with reporters looking around for people to tell us all how bad this will be for them (eg, 40 year olds saying they won’t want to work for two more years when they get to 65).

If Labour had played it safe they would have been slated for being timid and offering nothing new, having no vision, etc.

Then there was the great excitement among commentators over John Key’s “Show us the money” crack. Some could hardly contain themselves, replaying it over and over like it was the most profound statement a politician had ever made. One TV3 guy even told us seriously that Key had “crucified” Goff with the taunt. I thought the debate itself was fair enough – Key had a right to question Goff about policy costings, but for the commentators to jump in and tell what we should think about it is simply unfair. Both political leaders should be scrutinised by the media over their party’s policy costings, with equal fervour but without editorialising.

Want an example of how the media consistently work to undermine Labour? It’s often subtle, almost hidden, but it’s there once looked for. I didn’t have to go far – this morning’s edition of The Press, (page 6 lead):

The actual story was that Winston Peters said his NZ First Party (a minor third party for those readers not familiar with our elections) will not go into coalition with any other party after the elections. The headline was fair: “Peters rules out any coalition deals”. Then the article proper starts with: “New Zealand First leader Winston Peters may have destroyed Labour’s already slim chances of creating a coalition government after announcing he would not work with them”

There are three below-the-belt strikes here; did you spot them? First, the main story (and therefore the intro) should have been about Peters’ decision, not about what affect it may have on just one of the other parties in the race (no comment made about what affect it may have on National). Second, the use of the phrase “destroyed” – who would bother voting for Labour if they are constantly told there is no point, that their chances are now destroyed? And third, the totally unnecessary inclusion of Labour’s “already slim” chances. That is the subtlest but probably most insidious piece of editorialising in this news story.

I haven’t voted for Labour for some years, but I may well do it this time around. I refuse to be led by media who have forgotten their job of reporting the facts and decided they should also guide the debate and choose sides for us.


Adidas shows up our true priorities

August 11, 2011

It’s been a week of large-scale crises, with the three big stories being the renewal of the global financial crisis, the riots in England, and the cost of All Black jerseys in New Zealand.

All Black jerseys? Indeed, this is thing that seems to be worrying most Kiwis! Seeing the media coverage it’s getting here is the sort of thing that makes political and media commentators roll their eyes and ask, despairingly, “So much for our small-town priorities!”

And yet there is good reason for us ordinary folk to blog and tweet and facebook about Adidas’s pricing policy. It’s something we feel we can actually do something about.

Most of us are swamped intellectually if not emotionally when trying to get a picture of what’s going wrong with global finances and the inexorable rise in social anarchy (and the extent to which they are related). We’re as disconnected from those emerging realities as are the people rioting in Britain are from community participation and wellbeing.

What we can understand is the global marketplace for pop-culture goods such as All Blacks clothing (and branded clothing in general), and we can see how global marketers such as (in this case) Adidas can try to manipulate consumers.

And just as we understand that, so we also know how to hit back, using global IT media to force the marketers to think again, to see how attempts to manipulate can backfire and do more economic damage than the gains from charging premium prices.

And I may be wrong, but it’s entirely possible that the power of global corporate marketing may even be one cause of the other two big issues of the day.

 


Cheap airfare craze produces inevitable results

August 22, 2010

The surprise is that anyone would be surprised. After three years since entering the NZ domestic air travel market with the primary strategy of cheap fares, Pacific Blue calls it quits because they cannot make enough money to remain in that business.

And so all those bargain-motivated people, and principally the popular media who ran breathless headlines about how air fares were now wonderfully cheap and good for consumers, now bemoan that competition will diminish and low fares will be harder to come by. It’s not fair!

Well, what did we expect? That private businesses will be happy to run at a loss just so we can grab the cheapest possible deals forever? While grabbing cheap seats is a rational behaviour in the short term, it’s irrational in the long term because in the end it makes businesses less viable and more prone to cut back on the parts of their business that cannot help recoup their losses.

Over time, we bargain-hungry consumers get what we pay for – cheap deals in the short term but insecurity about the long-term survival of the services and products we value so little that we won’t pay a reasonable price for.

I’m happy to pay a fair and respectful price for all the services I regularly use, from electricity and phone to the local petrol station and favourite cafe, because I’m then confident that they’re making enough profit to remain in business and give me ongoing service. Try screwing them down too hard and next month they may not be there.

So with air fares, I’d rather pay a fair price than grab a cheapie if it means that the airline will still be around when it comes to actually flying me.


Ah, the irony of it all!

August 6, 2010

Two small observations that brought a wry smile to my face when I read about them in the paper this week:

1. Bill English announces that the ballooning number of government “policy advisors” will be slashed to save money. He says he is receiving advice from advisors on how the policy would be implemented. Will he receive advice from other policy advisors on who should be chosen to provide that advice?

2. The Press in Christchurch publishes an editorial on Thursday about Winston Peters and his plans to return to political life. Earlier in the week Peters addressed Rangiora Grey Power about fears that foreigners are buying up all the rest homes and retirement villages in NZ.

A quote from the editorial: “The topic Peters chose to speak on probably was not particularly significant. The purpose of his manoeuvrings at the moment is to try to regenerate interest in himself and the possibility of his return to Parliament. To that extent it no doubt served its purpose.”

It certainly did! The Press themselves fell into the trap with a huge front page article, including Peters’ face, reporting his speech in its full populist glory. As usual, Peters gets far more coverage than he’s worth, and our dutiful media fall for it yet again for the sake of more newspaper sales. So much for treating Peters’ topic as “not particularly significant”. So what significance should we give to a front-page lead story?


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