Visceral reactions and rational responses

May 27, 2009

I may be wrong but …… it seems to me that visceral responses to public events and policies, personally satisfying though they may be, rarely lead to improved outcomes.

The word “visceral” has always fascinated me. The word looks and sounds like the thing it is describing – squishy, raw and emotional. And when I see “visceral” used when reporting a person’s reaction to an event they are involved in, I feel the word as well as read it. It’s a great word.

My dictionary defines “visceral” as “of the viscera; intuitive, emotional, rather than intellectual”, and “viscera” as “the internal organs of the body” (or “guts”). In the Kiwi layman’s vocabulary, a visceral response is a gut reaction.

Reflecting on issues and events I’ve observed over many years, I believe strong visceral reactions more often than not make things worse. They may make the person reacting feel better (in the same way that smashing something may give an angry person a bit of release for a while), but usually they often make things worse – leaving the angry person wondering if they should have reacted even more strongly. Escalation of the problem is a common outcome, or at least a prolonging of the pain.

I’m not talking of gut reactions to private problems, such as grief at the passing of a loved one or anger at having your house burgled. As long as we don’t cause problems for unrelated third parties, we are all free to react in private as best suits our emotional makeup. I do know what it’s like to feel and express those sorts of reactions.

Visceral reactions are natural and human, but they need to be recognised as such and not as ultimate answers to problems. Unfortunately, visceral reactions to emotive public issues, if released into public discourse, can easily affect other people, so the pros and cons of actions and advocacy based on gut reactions should be recognised.

The commonest gut reactions to political and public problems usually involve righteous indignation, puffing out the chest, raising the voice, expressing superiority from the high moral ground, and throwing stones from glass houses. The complainant may or may not feel “better”, someone may get punished, and then often as not the situation worsens. More shouting, more indignation, new tougher measures . . . . and so on.

Here are some examples from recent times in New Zealand.

  • The New Zealand government’s policy on the state of democracy in Fiji is just making the situation worse. Let’s skip past the obvious hypocrisy and double standard of berating Fiji while also scrambling to trade with and please states like China, Thailand and Middle Eastern dictatorships or theocracies. NZ’s mainstream political parties act patronisingly, talking tough and loud from a position of superiority. We get tougher and louder as Fiji’s current political clique continues to go its own way regardless. We huff and puff about Fiji but not other places of questionable governance because it’s the only country we think we can dictate to. Plus, the image of a defiant brown-faced Bainimarama in total control there offends our European culture.The trouble with this approach is that our visceral reaction (“How dare that thug take over!” “Who does this Banana man think he is!” A native dares to tell us how he’ll run his backward country!!) becomes the unspoken foundation for government policy, which then expresses itself as trade and visitation sanctions and expulsion from multilateral forums, and then . . . . there is nowhere else to go (short of an invasion) that doesn’t involve a “backward” step.

    The approach proposed last month by the Maori Party– to visit and talk and learn as human equals – holds much more appeal for me as a long-term rational response. As I heard it on the radio, I thought, why not? Get down off your high horse, visit the country and its leaders, ask what they have in mind and why, look at it from their point of view. Accept that no democracies are perfect and military coups may not be totally and intrinsically evil. If it still makes no sense and seems to be leading to a disastrous end-game, then express that opinion and let it shape foreign policy expressed through diplomatic channels. Be driven by rational policies rather visceral reactions.

  • Crime and punishment is a huge issue in itself, but its relevance to my ramblings cannot be bypassed. It is acknowledged across most of the political spectrum that the more politicians act as mouthpieces for constituents’ visceral responses to crime and punishment and prisons and rehabilitation, the better their chances of gaining or retaining power.But I am not the only person to realise that in most cases this is not rational and does not make anything better in the long run. Those who are gut-wrenchingly angry about crimes that affect them, and those wanting to use these victims and events as tools of their advocacy for tougher responses, may feel better as a result (though I suspect that for many nothing changes their victim mentality and the bitterness lives on forever), but that doesn’t help make society better in the long run.

    A rational response acknowledges the grief and works through it, and eventually sees that the offender will in time pay their dues and return to society, and that taking every available step to rehabilitate them and transition them humanely will make for a safer community in the long term. Punishment for the sake of revenge may make some people feel better in the short term, but will have bad consequences down the line for everyone.

  • The media loves exposing mistakes and deficiencies in the health sector, and people tut-tut or gasp in horror about tales of wrong diagnoses, psychiatric patients wrongly released, etc. Likewise other public service entities such as police. The visceral reaction is to find someone to blame, criticise the professionals who made the mistakes, expect perfection, and demand accountability and the rolling of heads.How sensible is that? How will it improve an already very difficult health landscape? Well, it may help the grumps feel better for a while. Or not.
  • We’ve seen it many times over now. After the media get over their lather and go on to the next crisis, and after the armchair critics move on to the next person whose level of perfection falls short of unrealistic standards, usually two things happen: (1) more public money and time is committed to risk-aversion policies and measures which make it harder for health professionals to do their jobs; (2) some of the picked-over professionals decide it’s not worth the effort in the face of such antagonism, and resign or move on, leaving colleagues even more stretched and likely to make errors.Viscerally satisfying, maybe, for some, for a while; otherwise stupid.
  • I won’t enter the argument about “boy racer” legislation, but again note that in my view, irritating and threatening though these bogans may be, beating our chests and shouting “crush their cars” is only a visceral reaction with little benefit apart from allowing us to feel like we’re doing something. The effects of the proposed new laws will be minimal at best, and could raise the stakes to make things worse.A lack of understanding of what it is to be a teenager, and fading memory of what we baby boomers were like when we were that age, means that our visceral responses have almost no effect on the bulk of these youngsters, and a rational mind realises that engagement rather than shouting is more likely to have some longer-term benefit.

As I ponder events unfolding week by week here in NZ, increasingly I’m impressed by the approach taken by the Maori Party on so many issues – talk, think, talk some more, then use common sense. I hope that my attitude will increasingly be guided by this approach.


Herald News headline shameful – or just lazy?

May 19, 2009

I may be wrong but . . . . . . the headline used by The New Zealand Herald newspaper this morning shows a shameful bias and double standard in reporting the outcomes of court cases.

The case concerned the Christchurch dad convicted of assaulting his children during an angry disciplinary session in the central city last year, and was described by the media as a showcase for the recently enacted so-called ‘anti-smacking’ legislation. Dad said he was very angry but only flicked his son’s ear, witnesses described a closed-fist punch to the face and some other rather forceful actions aimed at teaching the little boy a lesson.

The jury believed much of the evidence of the witnesses and the man was convicted yesterday. So far so commonplace for NZ courts.

The Herald’s page 1 heading this morning? “’Ear-flick’ father guilty of assault for punching son”. In other words, we (the Herald) believe the father – that it was just an ear-flick – but the jury thought otherwise. The word ear-flick was a totally unnecessary embellishment, designed probably to implant into the readers’ minds that this new law is criminalising ordinary people for harmless actions. (Or it was a lazy way of making the headline fit the space required for layout purposes.)

Imagine if other criminal court newspaper reports used the same headlining technique of stating the defendant’s excuse before stating the outcome! “Man sitting at home watching telly guilty of robbing bank”, “Man shooting at rabbits guilty of killing policeman chasing him”; “Woman tending to her garden guilty of cultivating cannabis for supply”.

If the Herald wants to promote opposition to the new legislation then let it use its editorial for that. But don’t put the excuses of convicted felons into the page 1 headlines.


Early intervention gives best results for at-risk children — and for society

May 14, 2009

I believe that targeting the highest-risk children in their home setting is the most effective way of breaking the cycle of violence in New Zealand society.

Between 2002 and 2008 I did some voluntary work for a Christchurch agency, Family Help Trust (FHT), that works intensively with what most people would describe as “the lowest of the low” in this city. FHT’s primary focus on the children rather than their criminal parents caught my attention, but it was the sheer logic of the numbers that convinced me.

According to long-term research, those responsible for 80% of New Zealand’s crimes come from the 20% of the population who were raised in abusive, neglectful homes. And 50% of crimes are perpetrated by the worst 5%.

So all ideological and political arguments aside, simple logic tells me that the most effective way to break inter-generational cycles of abuse and criminality is to intervene on behalf of children, as early as possible, in the highest-risk environments.

I’m writing this article now because I’ve just finished proofreading a 120-page document produced by Dr Mark Turner of Clarity Research, commissioned by FHT, to be released this month. Titled “Monitoring Vulnerable Families – A two year outcome study”, it’s the result of two years detailed tracking and professional research of a group of 59 FHT clients (the non-government funded agency takes around 30 new infants a year, though there are 100 that would fit their high risk criteria, which is 2% of children born in Christchurch), aiming to examine “changes over the first two years on a series of key issues that have previously been associated with poor outcomes for children”, including “positive parental behaviours associated with child rearing and the health and safety of children in the household”.

One key conclusion goes like this: “Given the overwhelming expectations engendered from the literature of poor outcomes and certainly no immediate change in the first few years, the results of the present evaluation are extremely encouraging. The reduction in domestic violence, and in particular the removal of abusive partners, is a key outcome of this evaluation. Along with the continuing low rates of criminal offending and substance abuse (including the planned withdrawal from methadone maintenance programs), the indications of trying to establish some semblance of normality in previously destructive and chaotic lives is a remarkable phenomenon. This evaluation suggests that over the first two years, Family Help Trust families are most effective in acquiring new skills and behaviours associated with parenting their children safely, but are less effective in dealing with adverse family economic circumstances.”

Maybe not resounding proof, but at least a good start, and a damn sight more useful (for the agency’s clients and for the rest of society) than just whinging about it over coffee or on Talkback.

So how did I get into this? And even though my involvement is now only as the agency’s voluntary webmaster, why do I think it’s so important?

In 2002, winding down after 40 years in the workforce, I wanted to give some of my increasing free time to improve the lot of people who never had my good fortune in what I like to think as “life’s first lucky dip” — who you draw to be your parents.

After a bit of research, I decided that Family Help Trust in Christchurch was one organisation that had their heads – as well as their hearts – in the right place. I began doing a few hours administrative work a week to support some inspirational social workers who are doing some really hard yards for children who aren’t as lucky as I was. I also built and maintained their website – www.familyhelptrust.org.nz.

The Trust staff are the sort of people derided by many inhabitants of Talkback World, whose stock solution to the problems of neglect and abuse is to blame someone else (usually government agencies) and to punish marginalised offenders even further.

Whether or not they are right on the issue of punishment, this is of no help to the (usually) indirect victims in the situation – the youngsters growing up in these “family” environments where parents spend more time on drugs and crime than on caring for their children.

When seen this way, the need for early intervention becomes so crucial, and so obvious. Punish the parents if you must, but don’t punish their children. And don’t assist them, by doing nothing, into becoming the next generation driving the cycle of violence.

FHT’s policy – home-based early intervention (even before birth) on behalf of the highest risk children — is supported by the highly respected Christchurch Health and Development Study, a study of 1265 children who were born in Christchurch during mid-1977. These children have now been studied for many years.

The study, led by David Fergusson at the Christchurch School of Medicine, has produced a wealth of remarkable results, including solid indications that those responsible for 80% of New Zealand’s crimes come from abusive/neglectful homes.

Put another way, 80% of crime in New Zealand is committed by 20% of the offender population. The hard logic of this, which resonates to my scientific thinking, means that if the worst 20% of dysfunctional family environments are targeted, violent crime could reduced by up to 80%.

Over-simplistic? Police acknowledge the validity of such techniques by running programmes which target small subsets of the worst offenders in various criminal fields in order to get the most substantial results, both short and long-term.

Another way of looking at the numbers is in dollar terms. Providing its intervention service to one family (one child) for one year costs Family Help Trust about $6000. Compare this with the costs to society of hospital admissions averaging $8,400 per child abused and injured; residential care for troubled youth at $80,000 per year; and housing offenders in prison at $30,000-$70,000 per year.

This truly is a good example of the old metaphor about the cliff with a fence at the top and an ambulance at the bottom.

Several other things impress me about the Trust’s policies and procedures. For a start, the number of clients (children) per social worker cannot exceed a maximum number (around 15), avoiding situations where excessive caseloads hamper workers from doing their best with each client.

The client is the child, not the parent, so workers can avoid getting bogged down with entrenched adult behaviour and secondary issues. If the intervention helps the parent also, well and good; but the focus is primarily on the future of the child, as well as helping the primary parent to develop better child-rearing skills.

Intervention is based on home visits, and most of the time it’s not particularly spectacular or dramatic stuff. The social worker’s primary day-to-day goal is to develop a mentoring and advisory relationship with her client families. This often includes home management, child health, budgeting and building self esteem shattered by the parent’s own abusive upbringing.

The parents often say they wish above all else that their children will not go through that familiar pattern – if only they had some help to break the cycle.

FHT social workers often focus on day to day issues that make it so difficult for parents in poor environments to even do simple parenting, such as helping them to get to the GP and ensuring children are safe within the house and have adequate food and hygiene.

With a new client, their first priority often is to address crises in housing, food, finances and acute family relationships problems. When that is brought under some control the social worker can talk with the parent(s) to help them focus on the wider issues that have been making their life so difficult, and how to ensure their child is not sucked into the same chaos and neglect.

Non-acute follow up continues until the client child reaches primary school, by which time we may well have a young person with a chance of living a reasonably normal life. Preliminary findings after several years of service provision so far show encouraging results.

Even if only one-quarter of these high-risk children are removed from the cycle of abuse, in time this will reduce violent crime by perhaps 20% overall. At least, that’s what the logic of the numbers tells me.


National smoothes way for Maori – I didn’t expect that!

May 7, 2009

I may be wrong but . . . . . . the National government seems to be helping Maori to achieve key aspirations better than many of us sceptics imagined would be possible, and better than traditional allies Labour was capable of achieving.

I was one of those “lefty” pundits who, leading up to last year’s elections, believed a National-led government would damage the development of a more bicultural (and therefore multicultural) New Zealand, and that post-election Maori (and the Maori Party in particular) would align themselves even more firmly with the Labour party. Certainly if Don Brash had been the new prime minister, this would likely have been the only rational outcome.

But new prime minister John Key has been very astute on this policy area. By drawing the Maori Party into government (even though he didn’t need to) and talking positively with them rather than taking too haughty a stance, and in particular by accepting their input on certain key policies (with a few notable exceptions), he is drawing the country down the line of stronger acceptance and appreciation of tangata whenua.

Labour’s problem on the handling of Maori policy has always been impacted and shaped by “mainstream” pakeha problems with “Maori getting too much and taking over”. While Labour tried to set up programmes like “closing the gaps” that appeared to favour Maori, it was repeatedly cut off at the knees by conservative negativity, be it due to racism, arrogance or simply ignorance.

This came to a head with the Foreshore and Seabed issue, which Michael Cullen correctly (I believe) now acknowledges was a mistake. This sop to the prejudices of the dominant Treaty partner was driven at the time by Labour’s fear that middle pakeha New Zealand would associate any fair and just policy with trendy lefty, nanny-state Labour.

But the new National government, as part of an agreement with the Maori Party, is investigating big changes to the Foreshore and Seabed Act that could make it far more acceptable to Maori. And – and this is the biggie – most of National’s constituency, which would previously have complained mightily at Labour’s softness toward Maori, will go along with this.

Now I hear on the radio this morning that the National government is looking at signing a contentious (at least in NZ) United Nations convention on the rights of indigenous people, one which the previous Labour government refused to sign presumably because of fear of the ferocity of the inevitable backlash from right.

If our government does sign it, not only will Maori feel they are making progress, but much of the tory electorate will accept it as a safe and non-threatening action. Pakeha will take another step toward accepting the benefits and enrichment that come from living cultural tolerance and a fair society; and Maori will stand just a little taller and take more pride in their heritage and their equal Treaty partnership.

Sadly for Labour, on race issues it cannot win right now. It tried to do what was right and faced scorn from half the population; now it watches as National does much the same but without all the agro.


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